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Nothing makes a Prince so much respected as great undertakings and frame for events a high-quality example. We have in our time Ferdinand of Aragon, the present King of Spain. He can almost be named a new Prince, because he has gotten up, by much talked about and respect given for great doings, from being an small king to be the first of all king in Christ followers' space; and if you will take into account his acts you will see them all great and some of them special. In the starting of his time of (a king) he attacked Granada, and this undertaking was the start of his dominions. He did this quietly at first and without any fear of stop, for he gripped the minds of the men of high birth of Castile took up in having thoughts of the war and not thinking beforehand any new things; thus they did not become conscious of that by these means he was getting power and authority over them. He was able with the money of the Church and of the people to undergo his armies, and by that long war to make ready the start for the military special knowledge which has since of mark him. In addition, always using religion as a request, so in connection with undertake greater designs, he loving himself with good cruelness to driving out and clearing his country with a king of the Moors; nor could there be a more very good example, nor one more uncommon. Under this same loose coat he attacked Africa, he came down on Italy, he has finally attacked France; and thus his things done and designs have always been great, and have kept the minds of his people in uncertain feeling and respect and took up with the question under discussion of them. And his actions have gotten up in such a way, one out of the other, that men have never been given time to work fixedly, unchangingly against him.

Again, it much gives help a Prince to put uncommon examples in inside business, like to those which are related of Messer Bernabo da Milano, who, when he had the chance, by any one in with good behavior living doing some special thing, either good or bad, would take some way of rewarding or giving punishment him, which would be much said in voice about. And a Prince rightly would, above all things, always attempt in every acting to profit for himself the general opinion of being a great and strange man.

A Prince is also respected when he is either a true friend or a straightforward person hated, that is to say, when, without any limiting condition he makes public, clear statements himself in way of one group against the other; which direction will always be more better than position unmarked; because if two of your powerful persons living near come to blows, they are of such a qualities that, if one of them overcomes, you have either to fear him or not. In either example it will always be more better for you to make public, clear statement yourself and to make war forcefully; because, in the first example, if you do not make public, clear statement yourself, you will at all times fall being attacked to the person taking over, to the pleasure of him who has been overcame, and you will have no reasons to offer, nor anything to keep safe (out of danger) or to keep safe you. Because he who overcomes does not need feeling doubt friends who will not help him in the time of trouble; and he who comes out badly will not harbor you because you did not readily, military blade in hand, make attempts to get his chance.

Antiochus went into Greece, being sent for by the Aetolians to make go out the Romans. He sent persons sent as representatives to the Achaeans, who were friends of the Romans, putting before them to keep being in unmarked; and on the other hand the Romans urged them to take up arms. This question came to be had a discussion in the body of persons to give opinion of the Achaeans, where the official news transporter of Antiochus urged them to support unmarked. To this the Roman official news transporter answered: "As for that which has been said, that it is better and more better for your state not to come between in our war, nothing can be more wrong; because by not coming between, against you will be left, without way or thought, the reward of the person taking over." Thus it will always come about that he who is not your friend will request by rights your balance, while he who is your friend will make a strong request to you to make public, clear statement yourself with arms. And unable to make up one's mind Princes, to keep from present dangers, generally come after the unmarked footway, and are generally caused serious damage. But when a Prince makes public, clear statements himself fearlessly in give approval, support of one side, if the group with whom he allies himself overcomes, although the victor may be powerful and may have him at his kind feeling, behavior, yet he is in the debt of to him, and there is made certain a agreement for payment of good relation; and men are never so shameless in connection with become a something in memory of doing nothing for kind acts (help) by being ruled cruelly you. Coming out best at the end are never so complete that the victor must not make clear to some respect, high opinion, approval, especially to rights-balancing. But if he with whom you be on the same side yourself comes out badly, you may be kept safe by him, and while he is able he may help you, and you become company on a good chance that may go higher again.

In the second example, when those who fight are of such a quality that you have no cause for being worked up in connection with who may overcome, so much the more is it greater good sense to be joined by agreement, because you help at the destruction of one by the help of another who, if he had been wise, would have kept (safe) him; and overcoming, as it is not possible that he should not do with your help, he remains at your quality of acting wisely. And here it is to be noted that a Prince rightly would to take care never to make an agreement with one more powerful than himself for the purposes of attacking others, unless need forces him, as is said over; because if he overcomes you are at his authority to do as seems best and Princes rightly would to keep from as much as possible being at the authority to do as seems best of any one. The Venetians joined with France against the Duke of Milan, and this agreement, which caused their serious damage, could have been kept out of the way of. But when it cannot be kept out of the way of, as happened to the Florentines when the Pope and Spain sent armies to attack Lombardy, then in such a example, for the above reasons, the Prince rightly would to way one of the groups.

Not ever let any Government see in one's mind that it can select errorless safe directions; rather let it be of the opinion that to have to take very feeling doubt ones, because it is base in normal, common, uninteresting affairs that one never seeks to keep from one trouble without running into another; but good sense is chiefly in being certain how to see what is different the qualities of troubles, and for selection to take the less than another wrongdoing.

A Prince rightly would also to make clear to himself a supporter of ableness, and to great respect the expert in every art. At the same time he should give support to his citizens to experience their lines of work peaceably, both in business and farming, and in every other coming after, so that the one should not be kept from getting (making) better his property for fear so that not they be taken away from him or another from opening up trade for fear of taxes; but the Prince rightly would to offer rewards to whoever desires to do these things and designs in any way to great respect his great town or state.

In addition he rightly would to give amusement to the people with public pleasure-making and bright events at right for one's needs, comfort seasons of the year; and as every great town is made a division into societies for common purpose or into societies, he rightly would to keep such bodies in respect, and get together with them sometimes, and make clear to himself an example of be kind and freeness; though that is so, always be supporting the given authority, respect of his position, for this he must never give agreement to make less in anything.

"societies for common purpose or societies," "in arti O in tribu." "Arti" were hand work or trade societies for common purpose, cf. Florio: "Arte . . . a complete body company of any trade in any great town or business company town." The societies for common purpose of Florence are most respectably described by Mr Edgcumbe Staley in his work on the field (Methuen, 1906). deeply rooted ways of acting of a somewhat like person in work, called "artel," have existence in Russia today, cf. Sir Mackenzie Wallace's "Russia," ed. 1905: "The sons . . . were always during the working divisions of the year members of an artel. In some of the larger towns there are artels of a much more complex kind – fixed connections of ideas, being owner of wide, of great size money, and moneywise responsible for the acts of the person ones of a group." The word "artel," despite its clear likeness, has Mr Aylmer Maude says without any doubt me, no connection with "ars" or "arte." Its root is that of the operation "rotisya," to make necessary to oneself by an one's word; and it is generally admitted to be only another form of "rota," which now has the sense of a "military-related company unit." In both words the close relation idea is that of a body of men united by an one's word. "Tribu" were possibly special groups, united by common family line and included individuals connected by condition of being married. Perhaps our words "groups, schools of thought" or "Scot families" would be most right.

Book division XXII -- about the secretaries of Princes

The selection of servants is of no little being important to a Prince, and they are good or not according to the judgement of the Prince. And the first opinion which one forms of a Prince, and of his clear-thinking, is by observing the men he has around him; and when they are able and true to he may always be thought out wise, because he has within one's knowledge how to take in consciously the able and to keep them true to. But when they are otherwise one cannot form a good opinion of him, for the first in rating error which he made was in selecting them.

There were none who knew Messer Antonio da Venafro as the servant of Pandolfo Petrucci, Prince of Siena, who would not take into account Pandolfo to be a very quick man in having Venafro for his servant. Because there are three classes of power of thought: one which sees clearly by itself; another which gives high opinion what others saw clearly with the mind; and a third which neither sees clearly by itself nor by the viewing of others; the first is the most very good, of highest quality, the second is good, the third is of no use. As an outcome of that, it follows necessarily that, if Pandolfo was not in the first position, he was in the second, for whenever one has decision to have knowledge good and bad when it is said and done, although he himself may not have the first move, yet he can take in consciously the good and the bad in his servant, and the one he can give words of warm approval and the other right; thus the servant cannot hope to trick him, and is kept upright, true.

But to give power a Prince to form an opinion of his servant there is one test which never becomes feeble when you see the servant having opinion, ideas more of his own interests than of yours, and having a look for in the mind and heart his own profit in everything, such a man will never make a good servant, nor will you ever be able to belief him; because he who has the nation of another in his hands rightly would never to have in mind that of himself, but always of his Prince, and never look to matters in which the Prince is not had a part in.

On the other hand, to keep his servant upright, true the Prince rightly would to learn, observe him, giving great respect to him, making better him, doing him kindnesses, having the same with him the give great respect and cares; and at the same time let him see that he cannot support by oneself, so that many give great respect may not make him desire more, many good qualities make him desire for more, and that many cares may make him fear chances. When, as an outcome of that, lowly workers, and Princes in the direction of lowly workers, are thus made use of, they can belief each other, but when it is in other way, the end will always be causing great, sudden trouble for either one or the other.

I do not desire to let go of an important branch of this field, for it is a danger from which Princes are with trouble kept safe (good), unless they are very done with care and judging things well. It is that of one saying over-kind things, of whom courts are full, because men are so careless in their own business, and in a way so tricked in them, that they are kept safe (good) with trouble from this trouble, and if they desire to keep safe themselves they run the danger of falling into very low opinion. Because there is no other way of watching oneself from one saying over-kind things except letting men get it clearly that to say to you the truth does not wound (feeling) you; but when everyone may say to you the truth, respect for you makes less.

As an outcome of that a wise Prince rightly would to keep a third direction by selecting the wise men in his nation, and giving to them only the condition of being free of saying the truth to him, and then only of those things of which he looks into (causes, effects) and of none others; but he rightly would to question them upon everything, and give attention to their opinions, and after form his own opinions by reasoning. With these bodies of persons to give opinions, separately and as a group, he rightly would to keep himself in such a way that each of them should have knowledge that, the more freely he shall talk, the more he shall be had a better opinion of; outside of these, he should give attention to no one, go after the thing came to a decision on, and be tight in his decisions. He who does otherwise is either put an end to by one saying over-kind things, or is so often changed by changing opinions that he falls into very low opinion.

I desire on this field to put forward a of the day example. Fra Luca, the man of affairs to Maximilian, the present great ruler, saying of his power of a ruler, said: He got the opinion of no one, yet never got his own way in anything. This arose because of his supporters a experience the opposite to the over; for the great ruler is a secretive man -- he does not exchange his designs to any one, nor does he get opinions on them. But as in taking them into effect they become let be seen and within one's knowledge, they are at once made hard by those men whom he has around him, and he, being readily worked, is sent in another direction from them. For this reason it follows that those things he does one day he undoes the one after, and no one ever gets (clearly) what he desires or has a design to do, and no one can be dependent on his decisions.

Maximilian I, born in 1459, died 1519, great ruler of the Holy Roman empire. He married, first, Mary, daughter of Charles the well-marked; after her death, Bianca Sforza; and thus became mixed in trouble in italian political work.

A prince, as an outcome of that, rightly would always to take opinions, but only when he desires and not when others desire; he rightly would rather to say words tending to stop everyone from offering opinion unless he makes a request it; but, however, he rightly would to be a unchanging questioner and after an un-protesting one hearing about the things of which he questioned; in addition, on learning that any one, on any thought, has not told him the truth, he should let his violent feelings be felt.

And if there are some who have in mind that that a Prince who gives an idea of his wise material is not so through his own power to, but through the good advisers that he has around him, beyond doubt they are tricked, because this is an something true without reasoning which never becomes feeble that a Prince who is not wise himself will never take good opinion, unless by chance he has gave in his affairs entirely to one person who happens to be a very taking care, wise man. In this example in fact he may be well given government, but it would not be for long, because such a governor would in a short time take away his state from him.

But if a Prince who is not without experience should take opinions from more than one he will never get united opinions, nor will he have knowledge how to put together them. Each of the bodies of persons to give opinions will have in mind that of his own interests, and the Prince will not have knowledge how to control them or to see through them. And they are not to discovered in other way, because men will always make certain untrue to you unless they are kept upright, true by force to limit. As an outcome of that it must be worked out that good men of law, whenever they come, are born of the wise material of the Prince, and not the wise material of the Prince from good men of law.

The earlier suggestions, carefully observed, will make able a new Prince to come into view as well got started, and form him at once more not able to get loose and fixed in the nation than if he had been long seated there. For the actions of a new Prince are more narrowly observed than those of an (position) handed down in family line one, and when they are seen to be able they get more men and make necessary to far tighter than old blood; because men are get attraction more by the present than by the past, and when they see the present good they get pleasure out of it and have a look for no farther; they will also make the best making attempt to keep from attack of a Prince if he fails them not in other things. Thus it will be a twice great happiness for him to have made certain a new King’s son lands, and made beautiful and made stronger it with good laws, good arms, good groups with common purposes, and with a good example; so will it be a twice shame to him who, born a Prince, shall not keep his state by need of wise material.

And if those chiefs are thought out who have lost their states in Italy in our times, such as the King of Naples, the Duke of Milan, and others, there will be discovered in them, firstly, one common bad point, something wrong in connection with to arms from the causes which have been had a discussion at end to end; in the next place, some one of them will be seen, either to have had the people violent, or if he has had the people friendly, he has not within one's knowledge how to keep safe the persons of high birth. In the not present of these bad point, something wrong states that have power enough to keep an army in the field cannot be lost.

Philip of Macedon, not the father of Alexander the Great, but he who was overcame by Titus Quintius, had not much field covered made a comparison to the being great of the Romans and of Greece who attacked him, yet being a warlike man who knew how to have, get attention from the people and keep safe the persons of high birth, he undergone the war against his persons hated against for many years, and if in the end he lost the dominion of some great towns, nevertheless he kept the country with a king.

As an outcome of that, do not let our Princes make a statement against fortune for the loss of their King’s son lands after so many years' control, but rather their own unproductive behavior, because in quiet times they never thought there could be a change (it is a common bad point, something wrong in man not to make any designs in the untroubled times against the very bad weather), and when after the bad times came they thought of flight and not of keeping safe themselves, and they hoped that the persons in general, disgusted with the rough behavior of the person taking over, would have in mind, get memory of them. This order of events when others become feeble, may be good, but it is very bad to have not take care of all other things of help, but not right for that, since you would never desire to fall because you belief to be able to see someone later on to put back to earlier position you. This again either does not come about, or, if it does, it will not be for your safety, because that making free (from something) is of no use which does not be dependent on upon yourself; those only are safe, good, that will not let one down, certain, and strong that be dependent on yourself and your fearlessness.

It is not unknown to me how many men have had, and still have, the opinion that the affairs of the everywhere are in such wise rule by good chance event and by God that men with their wise material cannot straight to them and that no one can even help them; and because of this they would have us have belief that it is not necessary to work much in business, but to let chance rule them. This opinion has been more credited in our times because of the great changes in affairs which have been seen, and may still be seen, every day, beyond all mankind theory. Sometimes thinking over this, I am in some degree had a tendency to their opinion. Though that is so, not to put down our free will, I keep it to be true that Fortune is the judge of 1/2 of our acts, but that she still lets go of us straight to the other half, or perhaps a little less.

Frederick the Great was gotten used to say: "The older one gets the more made come round one becomes that his given authority, respect King Chance does 3/4 of the business of this very sad all existence." Sorel's "of the east Question."

I make a comparison her to one of those being violently angry rivers, which when in (coming of) water over land liquid goes over the edge the level, low grass lands, wide ranging away trees and buildings, directing away the land from place to place; everything flies before it, all give in to its violent acts, without being able in any way to put up with it; and still, though its nature be such, it does not come after therefore that men, when the weather becomes equal, shall not make designs, both with things used to keep from attack and walls to keep persons out, in such a way that, getting up again, the waters may go through away by man-made waterway, and their force be neither so uncontrolled nor so dangerous. So it happens with good chance event, who shows her power where fearlessness has not got ready to stand against her, and there she turns her forces where she knows that barriers and things used to keep from attack have not been got lifted up, made higher to limit by force her.

And if you will take into account Italy, which is the seat of these changes, and which has given to them their impulse, you will see it to be an open country without barriers and without any making attempt to keep from attack. For if it had been kept from attack by right facing danger without fear, as are Germany, Spain, and France, either this attack and take by force would not have made the great changes it has made or it would not have come at all. And this I take into account enough to say about stopping effect to good chance event in general.

But limiting myself more to the one, I say that a Prince may be seen happy today and caused serious damage tomorrow without having made clear any change of way of feeling or qualities. This, I have belief, comes about firstly from causes that have already been had a discussion at end to end, namely, that the Prince who is dependent on entirely on good chance event is lost when it changes. I have belief also that he will be good who gives direction his actions according to the true sense, right idea of the times, and that he whose actions do not harmony with the times will not be good. Because men are seen, in affairs that lead to the end which every man has before him, namely, great happiness and good qualities, to get there by different ways of doing; one with make conscious of danger, another with (doing) quickly; one by force, another by special knowledge, one by power of waiting, another by its opposite; and each one succeeds in getting the point by a different way. One can also see of two careful men the one get to his end, the other become feeble; and in the same way, two men by different observances are equally good, the one being careful, the other acting on impulse; all this comes about from nothing else than whether or not they adjust in their methods to the true sense, right idea of the times. This follows from what I have said, that two men working differently take about the same effect, and of two working in the same way, one gets to his not in agreement and the other does not.

Changes in land also offspring from this, for if, to one who has controlling effect on himself with make conscious of danger and power of waiting, times and affairs come together in such a way that his the government is good, his great amount of money is made; but if times and affairs change, he is caused serious damage if he does not change his direction of acting. But a man is not often found enough careful, watchful to have knowledge how to give space himself to the change, both because he cannot go away from normal from what nature has a tendency to him to do, and also because, having always done well by acting in one way, he cannot be certain that it is well to let go of it; and, as an outcome of that, the careful man, when it is time to turn ready for experience, does not have knowledge how to do it, for this reason he is caused serious damage; but had he changed his acts, behavior with the times good chance would not have changed.

Pope Julius the Second went to work impulse-driven in all his business, and found the times and circumstances adjust so well to that line of acting that he always met with good outcomes. Take into account his first undertaking against Bologna, Messer Giovanni Bentivogli being still living. The Venetians were not pleasing to it, nor was the King of Spain, and he had the undertaking still under discussion with the King of France; nevertheless he personally entered upon the journey for special purpose with his gotten used to fearlessness and energy, a move which made Spain and the Venetians support uncertain, in doubt and not acting the latter from fear, the former from desire to get back the country with a king of Naples; on the other hand, he drew after him the King of France, because that king, having observed the moving, and desiring to make the Pope his friend so in connection with make less important the Venetians, discovered it not possible to say no him. As an outcome of that Julius with his acting on impulse acting able to do things well what no other Church Head with simple mankind wise material could have done; for if he had waited in Rome until he could get away, with his plans put in order and everything fixed, as any other Church Head would have done, he would never have did well, gone well. Because the King of France would have made a thousand lets off, and the others would have got lifted up, made higher a thousand fears.

I will let go of his other actions by oneself, as they were all the same, and they all did well, gone well, for the shortness of his living did not let him experience the opposite; but if circumstances had gotten up which needed him to go doing carefully, his serious damage would have came after, because he would never have went away from normal from those ways to which nature had a tendency to him.

I come to belief by reasoning therefore that, Fortune being changeful and mankind tight in their ways, so long as the two are in agreement men are good, but not turning out well when they fall out. For my part I take into account that it is better to be ready for experience than careful, because Fortune is a woman, and if you desire to keep her under it is necessary to beat and ill-use her; and it is seen that she lets herself to be got control of by the ready for experience rather than by those who go to work more coldly. She is, as an outcome of that, at all times, woman-like, a lover of young men, because they are less careful, more violent, and with more chance-taking without fear order her.

Having carefully thought out the field of the above talks and questioning within myself whether the present times were giving hope of good outcome to a new Prince, and whether there were elements that would give an chance to a wise and of good quality one to put into use for first time a new order of things which would do great respect to him and good to the people of this country, it appears to me that so many things be, take place, together to support a new Prince that I never knew a time more do, be right than the present.

And if, as I said, it was necessary that the people of Israel should be prisoner so in connection with make show clearly the ableness of Moses; that the Persians should be kept under by force by the Medes so in connection with make discovery the being great of the seat of feeling of Cyrus; and that the Athenians should be went away to make clear by example/pictures the powers of Theseus: then now, in order to make discovery the good quality of an italian true sense, right idea, it was necessary that Italy should be made less to the ending that she is now in, that she should be more completely controlled than the Hebrews, more kept under by force than the Persians, more distributed widely than the Athenians; without head, without order, overcome, damaged, in bits, go over the limit; and to have went through every kind of damage.

Although lately some bright-point may have been made clear by one, which made us have in mind that he was took orders by God for our getting back, nevertheless it was after seen, in the level of his living, that Fortune said is not good him; so that Italy, left as without living, waits for him who shall yet make (get) well her wounds and put an end to the making waste and violently taking from of Lombardy, to the getting money by false statement and taxing of the country with a king and of Tuscany, and clean those painful feelings that for long have wasted away. It is seen how she makes a strong request to God to send someone who shall hand over her from these wrongs and rough behaviors. It is seen also that she is ready to come after a flag if only someone will lift it.

And not is there to be seen now one in whom she can place more hope than in your great house, with its facing danger without fear and good chance event, made kind act by God and by the Church of which it is now the chief, and which could be made the head of this getting back. This will not be hard if you will have in mind, get memory of to yourself the actions and lives of the men I have named. And although they were great and of more than common quality men, yet they were men, and each one of them had no more chance than the present offers, for their undertakings were neither more just nor simpler, painless than this, nor was God more their friend than He is yours.

Giuliano de Medici. He had just been made come into existence a prince of church by Leo X. In 1523 Giuliano was selected Pope, and took the right to property of Clement VII.

With us there is great high judge, because that war is just which is necessary, and arms are deeply respected when there is no other hope but in them. Here there is the greatest readiness, and where the readiness is great the difficulties cannot be great if you will only come after those men to whom I have given direction your attention. Further than this, how specially the ways of God have been shown clearly beyond example: the sea is made a division, a cloud has led the way, the great stone has came down hard forth water, it has rained earthly and spiritual food, everything has contributed to your being great; you rightly would to do the rest. God is not ready to do everything, and thus take away our free will and that part of great happiness which is right for to us.

And it is not to be questioned at if none of the named beforehand Italians have been able to do all that is was looking on as to come from your great house; and if in so many violent government changes in Italy, and in so many attempts to make public opinion, it has always appeared as if military good quality were made tired, this has happened because the old order of things was not good, and none of us have within one's knowledge how to get a new one. And nothing give great respect a man more than to make certain new laws and new orders when he himself was newly gotten up. Such things when they are well based and respectable will make him respected and had high opinion of, and in Italy there are not needing chances to take such into use in every form.

Here there is great fearlessness in the legs or arms while it fails in the head. look attentively at the competitions of two and the hand-to-hand fights, how higher the Italians are in number, know-how, and in a complex, delicate way. But when it comes to armies they do not take comparison, and this springs entirely from the feebleness of the chiefs, since those who are able are not doing what is ordered, and each one seems to himself to have knowledge, there having never been any one so noted, great above the rest, either by fearlessness or good chance events, that others would give in to him. For this reason it is that for so long a time, and during so much fighting in the past twenty years, whenever there has been an army to the complete amount italian, it has always given a poor account of itself; the first one who saw to this is Il2 Taro, after Allesandria, Capua, Genoa, Vaila, Bologna, Mestri.

The fights of Il Taro, 1495; Alessandria, 1499; Capua, 1501; Genoa, 1507; Vaila, 1509; Bologna, 1511; Mestri, 1513.

If, as an outcome of that, your great house desires to come after these strange men who have got back their country, it is necessary before all things, as a true start for every undertaking, to be made ready with your own forces, because there can be no more true to, truer, or better military men. And although one-on-one they are good, as a group they will be much better when they see themselves ordered by their Prince, given great respect by him, and be supported at his money used, needed, for something. As an outcome of that it is necessary to be got ready with such arms, so that you can be made arguments for against persons of another country by italian facing danger without fear.

And although Swiss and Spanish army on foot may be thought out very hard to do, nevertheless there is a bad point, something wrong in the two, by reason of which a third order would not only be able to put forward as opposite them, but might be dependent on upon to put an end to them. For the Spaniards cannot stand against military horsemen, and the Switzers are in fear of army on foot whenever they meeting them in close fight. Being in debt to this, as has been and may again be seen, the Spaniards are unable to stand against French military horsemen, and the Switzers are put an end to by Spanish army on foot. And although a complete facts in support of this latter cannot be made clear, nevertheless there was some facts supporting certain belief of it at the fight of Ravenna, when the Spanish army on foot were put face-to-face by German body of men ready to fight, who come after the same art of moving army, ships in fighting as the Swiss; when the Spaniards, by quick movements of body and with the help of their safety skins, got in under the pointed sharp sticks of the Germans and stood out of danger, able to attack, while the Germans stood helpless, and, if the military horsemen had not short lined up, all would have been over with them. It is possible, as an outcome of that, being certain the bad point, something wrong of both these armies on foot, to invent a new one, which will stand against military horsemen and not be in fear of army on foot; this need not make come into existence a new order of arms, but a different in some way upon the old. And these are the kind of improvements which give general opinion and power upon a new Prince.

This chance, as an outcome of that, rightly would not to be let to go thorough for letting Italy at last see her person freeing come into view. And not can put out the love with which he would be received in all those provinces which have had pain, trouble so much from these out-of-country discoveries, with what deep desire for to get even, with what of a fixed-minded system of religion, with what belief, with what water-drops from eyes. What door would be shut to him? Who would say no to supporting orders to him? What desire to have what another has would make slow him? What italian would say no him (payment of) respect? To all of us this rough dominion smells badly. Let, as an outcome of that, your great house take up this go forward with that power of controlling fear and hope with which all just undertakings are undertaken, so that under its regular, normal our low level of development country may be ennobled, and under its support may be made certain of that saying of Petrarch:

“Virtu contro Al Furore Prendera l'arme, e fia Il combatter corto: Che l'antico valore Negli italici cuor not e ancor morto.”(Good quality against violent feelings shall go forward the fight, And it in the fight soon shall put to flight: For the old Roman fearlessness is not dead, and not in the italians' chest put down.) Edward Dacre, 1640.

Details of the methods took up by the duke VALENTINO when putting a person to death VITELLOZZO VITELLI, Oliverotto DA FERMO, The signor PAGOLO, And the duke Di GRAVINA ORSINI - by Nicolo MACHIAVELLI

The Duke Valentino had returned from Lombardy, where he had been to clear himself with the King of France from the false statements which had been got lifted up, made higher against him by the Florentines having a part in the war against authority of Arezzo and other towns in the Val Di Chiana, and had arrived at Imola, from where he put forward with his army to move into upon the military operation against Giovanni Bentivogli, the cruel ruler of Bologna: for he put forward to take that great town under his control, and to make it the head of his Romagnian high-birth-owned country part.

These matters coming to the knowledge of the Vitelli and Orsini and their supporters, it appeared to them that the duke would become too powerful, and it was feared that, having got Bologna, he would have a look for to put an end to them in order that he might become highest in Italy. upon this a meeting was named at Magione in the part of the country of Perugia, to which came the prince of church, Pagolo, and the Duke Di6 Gravina Orsini, Vitellozzo Vitelli, Oliverotto da Fermo, Gianpagolo Baglioni, the cruel ruler of Perugia, and Messer Antonio da Venafro, sent by Pandolfo Petrucci, the Prince of Siena. Here were had a discussion the power and power of controlling fear of the duke and the need of controlling his desires, which might otherwise take danger to the rest of being caused serious damage. And they decided not to let go the Bentivogli, but to make an attempt to get over the Florentines; and they send their men to one place and another, making statement of undertaking to one group help and to another giving support to put together with them against the common person hated. This meeting was at once made statement, account throughout all Italy, and those who were unpleased with under the duke, among whom were the people of Urbino, took hope of effecting a put a government out of power.

Thus it arose that, men's minds being thus unfixed, it was decided by certain men of Urbino to get a grip the military building made strong against attack of San Leo, which was kept for the duke, and which they made prisoner by the coming after way. The castellan was making stronger the great stone and causing wood to be taken there; so the person working against authoritys watched, and when certain long supports which were being taken to the great stone were upon the bridge, so that it was keep from being pulled up by those inside, they took the chance of jumping upon the bridge and from there into the military building made strong against attack. upon this take being effected, the complete body nation taken to arms against and recalled the old duke, being gave support to in this, not so much by the take of the military building made strong against attack, as by the special food at Magione, from whom they was looking on as to come to get help.

Those who heard of the war against authority at Urbino thought they would keep the chance, and at once came together their men so in connection with take any town, should any keep being in the hands of the duke in that nation; and they sent again to Florence to request that nation with a President to join with them in making waste to the common person working up trouble, viewing that the danger was made less and that they rightly would not to wait for another chance.

But the Florentines, from feeling hate, for different reasons, of the Vitelli and Orsini, not only would not be on the same side themselves, but sent Nicolo Machiavelli, their secretary, to offer keep safe and help to the duke against his persons hated against. The duke was discovered full of fear at Imola, because, against everybody's idea, his soldiers had at once gone over to the person hated and he discovered himself gave up arms and war at his door. But getting back power of controlling fear from the offers of the Florentines, he decided to slow down before fighting with the few soldiers that remained to him, and to do business for a peace-making, and also to get help. This latter he got in two ways, by sending to the King of France for men and by getting men-at-arms and others whom he turned into military horsemen of a sort: to all he gave money.

Though this, his persons hated against drew near to him, and approached Fossombrone, where they met some men of the duke and, with the help of the Orsini and Vitelli, sent the way them. When this came about, took place, the duke came to a decision at once to see if he could not close the trouble with offers of peace-making, and being a most errorless trickster he did not become feeble in any practices to make the persons going to war with their government get it clearly that he wished every man who had gotten anything to keep it, as it was enough for him to have the rights of Prince, while others might have the King’s son lands.

And the duke did well, gone well so well in this that they sent Signor Pagolo to him to do business for a peace-making, and they brought their army to a stop. But the duke did not stop his readying, and took every care to make ready himself with military horsemen and army on foot, and that such readying might not be clear to the others, he sent his troops in separate parties to every part of the Romagna. In the meanwhile there came also to him five hundred French horsemen armed with pointed rods, and although he discovered himself enough strong to take punishment for wrongdoing (crime) on his persons hated against in open war, he thought out that it would be safer and more better to get the better of by trick them, and for this reason he did not stop the work of peace-making.

And that this could be effected the duke concluded a peace with them in which he made certain their former serious agreement; he gave them four thousand money units at once; he promised not to damage the Bentivogli; and he formed an agreement with Giovanni; and in addition he would not force them to come personally into his existence unless it pleased them to do so. On the other hand, they promised to put back to earlier position to him the duchy of Urbino and other places got by them, to work for him in all his journeys for special purpose, and not to make war against or be on the same side themselves with any one without his authority.

This peace-making being completed, Guido Ubaldo, the Duke of Urbino, again fled to Venice, having first made waste to all the military buildings made strong against attack in his state; because, having belief in the persons in general, he did not desire that the military buildings made strong against attack, which he did not have in mind that he could keep safe, should be kept by the person hated, since by these means a check would be kept upon his friends. But the Duke Valentino, having completed this meeting, and went away his men throughout the Romagna, put out for Imola at the end of November together with his French men-at-arms: from there he went to Cesena, where he stayed some time to do business with the persons sent as representatives of the Vitelli and Orsini, who had came together with their men in the duchy of Urbino, in connection with the undertaking in which they should now take part; but nothing being came to belief by reasoning, Oliverotto da Fermo was sent to make an offer that if the duke wished to undertake an journey for special purpose against Tuscany they were ready; if he did not desire it, then they would keep army round to attack Sinigalia. To this the duke replied that he did not desire to move into war with Tuscany, and thus become violent to the Florentines, but that he was very ready to go on (forward) against Sinigalia.

It happened that not long after the town gave up, but the military building made strong against attack would not give in to them because the castellan would not give it up to any one but the duke in person; therefore they strongly requested him to come there. This appeared a good chance to the duke, as, being had attraction by them, and not going of his own will, he would awaken doubtfulness. And the more to take away doubt from them, he let all the French men-at-arms who were with him in Lombardy to go away, except the hundred horsemen armed with pointed rods under Mons. Di Candales, his brother of person married to. He left Cesena about the middle of December, and went to Fano, and with the best expert at tricking and brightness he got to the Vitelli and Orsini to wait for him at Sinigalia, pointing out to them that any feeble amount of doing as requested would put into a doubt upon the trueness and long-lasting effect of the peace-making, and that he was a man who wished to make use of the arms and opinions of his friends. But Vitellozzo remained very fixed-minded, for the death of his brother made him conscious of danger that he should not wound feelings of a Prince and after belief him; though that is so, got to by Pagolo Orsini, whom the duke had gone bad with gifts and hopes, he agreed to wait.

Upon this the duke, before his starting out from Fano, which was to be on 30th December 1502, exchanged his designs to eight of his most believed-in supporters, among whom were Don Michele and the Monsignor d'Euna, who was after prince of church; and he ordered that, as soon as Vitellozzo, Pagolo Orsini, the Duke Di6 Gravina, and Oliverotto should get to, his followers in twos should take them one by one, giving into care of certain men to certain twos, who should have in mind them until they got to Sinigalia; nor should they be permitted to go until they came to the duke's quarters, where they should be got.

The duke after ordered all his horsemen and army on foot, of which there were more than two thousand military horsemen and ten thousand footmen, to come together by daybreak at the Metauro, a river five miles far away from Fano, and be waiting for him there. He discovered himself, as an outcome of that, on the last day of December at the Metauro with his men, and having sent a band of persons on horseback of about two hundred horsemen before him, he then moved forward the army on foot, whom he was with the rest of the men-at-arms.

Fano and Sinigalia are two cities of La Marca put in place on the sea-side of the Adriatic Sea, 15 miles far away from each other, so that he who goes in the direction of Sinigalia has the mountains on his right hand, the bases of which are touched by the sea in some places. The great town of Sinigalia is far away from the foot of the mountains a little more than a short distance and from the sea-side about a mile. On the side opposite to the great town runs a little river which bathes that part of the walls looking in the direction of Fano, facing the high road. Thus he who pulls up near to Sinigalia comes for a good space by road along the mountains, and reaches the river which passes by Sinigalia. If he turns to his left hand along the bank of it, and goes for the distance of a short distance, he gets to, here at a bridge which crosses the river; he is then almost level of the doorway that leads into Sinigalia, not by a straight line, but at right angles. Before this doorway there stands a group of houses with a square to which the bank of the river forms one side.

The Vitelli and Orsini having received orders to wait for the duke, and to great respect him in person, sent away their men to several great house made strong from attack far away from Sinigalia about 6 miles, so that room could be made for the men of the duke; and they left in Sinigalia only Oliverotto and his band, which formed of one thousand army on foot and one hundred and fifty horsemen, who were quartered in the outskirts of a town said about over. Fields of interest having been thus put in order, the Duke Valentino left for Sinigalia, and when the leaders of the military horsemen reached the bridge they did not go through over, but having opened it, one part wheeled in the direction of the river and the other in the direction of the country, and a way was left in the middle through which the army on foot gone through, without stopping, into the town.

Vitellozzo, Pagolo, and the Duke Di Gravina on sort of horses, with by a few horsemen, went in the direction of the duke; Vitellozo, unarmed and having on body a clothing without armholes lined with green, appeared very unhappy as if conscious of his coming, going near death -- a condition which, in view of the ableness of the man and his former great amount of money, caused some surprise. And it is said that when he parted from his men before setting out for Sinigalia to meet the duke he acted as if it were his last parting from them. He recommended his house and its great amount of money to his chiefs, and well-judged his brother's (sister's) sons that it was not the great amount of money of their house, but the good qualities of their fathers that should be kept in mind. These three, as an outcome of that, came before the duke and made sign of respect him respectfully, and were received by him with goodwill; they were at once placed between those who were given payment for trade to look after them.

But the duke noting, seeing, taking note of that Oliverotto, who had remained with his band in Sinigalia, was lost-- for Oliverotto was waiting in the square before his quarters near the river, keeping his men in order and army training them -- signed with his eye to Don Michelle, to whom the care of Oliverotto had been got by heart, that he should take measures that Oliverotto should not get away. As an outcome of that Don Michele went on (transport) off and joined Oliverotto, saying him that it was not right to keep his men out of their quarters, because these might be taken up by the men of the duke; and he well-judged him to send them at once to their quarters and to come himself to meet the duke. And Oliverotto, having taken this opinion, came before the duke, who, when he saw him, called to him; and Oliverotto, having made his body movement, joined the others.

So the complete body group entered Sinigalia, got off at the duke's quarters, and went with him into a secret room, where the duke made them prisoners; he then got on horseback, and gave out orders that the men of Oliverotto and the Orsini should be took off (covering) of their arms. Those of Oliverotto, being at hand, were quickly (made) certain, fixed, but those of the Orsini and Vitelli, being at a distance, and having a thought beforehand of the destruction of their chiefs, rulers, persons in control, had time to get ready themselves, and supporting in mind the facing danger without fear and training of the Orsinian and Vitellian houses, they stood together against the violent forces of the country and kept (safe) themselves.

But the duke's military men, not being happy with having violently took from the men of Oliverotto, began to make waste Sinigalia, and if the duke had not kept back this shocking event by putting to death some of them they would have completely made waste of it. Night having come and the trouble being made quiet, the duke got ready to put to death Vitellozzo and Oliverotto; he led them into a room and caused them to be killed through gripping throat. Neither of them used words in keeping with their past lives: Vitellozzo made request that he might question of the pope full let off for his crimes, wrongs; Oliverotto had an air of shame and put down the responsible for all injuries against the duke on Vitellozzo. Pagolo and the Duke Di6 Gravina Orsini were kept living until the duke heard from Rome that the pope had taken the prince of church Orsino, the Archbishop of Florence, and Messer Jacopo da Santa Croce. After which news, on 18th January 1502, in the great house made strong from attack of Pieve, they also were killed through gripping throat in the same way.